The achievement of the centuries

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°sZtr} SENATE , {Do«'-

tlift ^tJjtefaement of tfje Centuries

ADDRESS OF

THE PRESIDENT

DELIVERED AUGUST 1, 1921

AT

THE TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION

OF THE

LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS

AT

PLYMOUTH

^|-2G70^

PRESENTED BY MR. LODGE
August 10, 1921.— Ordered to be printed

WASHINGTON

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

1921

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

"P'^EIVED

DOCUMENTS DIVISION

SV^

ADDRESS.

Governor Cox and Fellow Americans : Thouf^li they seem com-
paratively measureless to^iis, three centuries are little more than a
moment in the chronicle of human history. Christianity is now
rounding out its twentieth century, and there is no comprehensible
measure to the human ferment which went before. Our actual na-
tional life is less than half the period of marvelous New World de-
velopment, the tercentenary of which beginninji" we celebrate- but in
that little while the achievement is the most significant of all the cen-
turies. It is not too much to say that the three centuries which have
passed since men of our race came here to found a new State have
been the most momentous and the most pregnant in all the progress
of humankind, -

They were more swiftly moving and seemingly more vital than
the much longer periods of Egyptian, Greek, or Roman civilizations
with which we are familiar, and it is not impossible that the com-
manding potency of progress and material possessions may turn the
significant beginning at Plymouth into surpassing influence in the
making of human history.

To this and the Virginia shore Avere transplanted the seeds of
representative democracy', the new ideals of nationality through as-
sociation and representation, and there has developed seemingly,
the most dependable form of popular government ever witnessed in
the Avorld. Perhaps this larger achievement was not intended by
the heroes of colonization. They were seeking freedom and found
nationality essential to its preservation. Destiny pointed the way,
and the hand of divinity traced tlie course of God-intended human
advancement. Here came the sturdy English middle class of yoo-
manry. burghers, and squires, who clung to their ideals of repre-
sentative government. At home they might have been crushed un-
der the burdens which reaction. Avas seeking to impose. Here they
could have free play and begin anew, and fashion the temple of
freedom in a new land, and they began Avhat we call republican
institutions. These institutions are the agencies of highest freedom
which embody at once the centralized authority strong enough to
hold together a great community, and those essentials of democracy
whicli insure dominance to the intelligent will of a free people.

Whether Ave reflect upon the restraints upon freedom Avliich the
fathers imposed, or measure the broader liberty under the laAv of
to-day, here began the reign of dependable public opinion, which
unfailingly is the laAv of highest civilization. One may not say
Avhether the Puritans at home Avould haA'e been able to Avork out

4 THE ACHIEVEMENT OK THK CEXTrRlHS.

such a system if there had heeii no American colonies and the colo-
nial inffuence to react upon tlie motlier country. Doubtless the
En<rlish revolution, which came soon after the settlement at Plym-
outh, would have come even had there been no settlement here,
no Massachusetts Bay Colony, no Viro:inia plantation. But it is
easy to believe that in the lon<r stru<i<rle after the restoration, the
fruits of the revolution, the stren<:thene(l parliamentary institu-
tions, and the restiictions on royal prero<rative weiv helped by the
influences of colonial democracy.

It is a difficult task to sin<rle out and measure the factors in jjo-
litical and social i)roirress. The jrerm of proirress is doubtless uni-
versal, but recjuires favorable conditions for its develo])ment. Con-
ditions were favorable in the New AVorld and the Plymouth Colony
Avas destined to beirin the surpassing: stoi-y of three centuries of
ardent, eajrer pursuit of human justice.

Xo one will ever dispute the larire part New En<rland played in
the rearin<r of new standards of freedom. The early .strujxirles here
were cotem))oraneous with the makinjr of modern British consti-
tutionalism, and the New AVorld beacon was an incentive and an
inspiration across the sea; and to-day Old AVorld and New join in
rejoicino; at the ends achieved. Here, with crude narrowness and
unconscious selfishness hinderinfr. but with supreme intent impellin«r.
there developed the accepted plan of emancipatino: humanity, and
the frrant to man to sluqie his own destiny. The world choi'us to-day
rejoicin<r in maintained democracy, attuned its chord to the notes
first sounded here.

This devoloi)ment of liberty, this ureat conception of freedom,
took ever firmer hold, until it was held and voiced unceasinfrly by
those who boi'e aloft its banners here. And there was siirnificant
reflex in the motherland. No Enjrlishman will do his country full
justice or will quite understand its human story who does not seek
out and study the effects of this sympathy and interaction between
the seasoned, aofe-old lil)eralism of the Enjrlish countryside and the
new, eaoer, out-reachin<r r.spiration of those wdio were plantino- the
seed here in a fresh soil and ^uardiufr its early devel()[)Uient. No
American can fullv a]ii)raise his country's contribution to mankind's
advance if he overlooks these thinp^s which were truly fundamental in
creatin*r two towers of national strenjjth for freedom where there
mi<>;ht have been but one. At a time when the restored House of
Stuart was bent on breakin": tip the New England confederacy,
esteeminff it a lea«rue for ultimate independence, the enemies of
Chailes IT were the firm friends of New Euiiland. The confederacy
was at len<rth destroyed. l)ut it had served to teach the colonists
unity and cooperation. Thus there Avas laid the foundation, in
])ublic opinion and workin<r experience, of the confederation which
afterwards brought tooethei' the thirteen Colonies in the revolu-
tionary strufro:le, and later the Federal T'nion.

At a time when the Commons at AA'^estminster seemed impotent
against the demand of the returned Stuarts, the Kintr sent his de-
mand that the Massachusetts charter be sun-endered. The be-
ffinnini; of American Ke^olution may fairly l)e traced the larjrer
part of a century from the date we conunonly fixed for it to the
great town meeting in the South Church, to which was submitted

THK ACHIEVEMliXT OF THE CEXTUIUES. 5

the question whether the coh)ny woukl assent to the charter reor-
ganization that the King demanded. Those who voted to aceej^t
the royal terms were called on to raise their hand; and no hands
were shown! The charter, indeed, was later revoked; but the uni-
iied and incensed colony was ah-eady in a state of semire\olt. The
fundamental grants of other cok)nies were in turn withdrawn and
the King undertook to bring them all together under a single ad-
ministration which should hold them in closer leash and keep the
royal eye carefully on their activities. He foresaw already that
the colonies were disposed to stiff-necked defiance of him and that
they were tending to come together and make common cause; ami
lie saw, too, that that common cause was more and more appealing
to the sj'mpathy of Liberals at home.

If the idea of religious freedom had little to hope for from the
effort of the stern old fathers to set up a theocracy in Xew Eng-
land, the ideal of political freedom found here a particularly fertile
:soil in which to germinate. If we candidly wuU examine the jieriod
of the Stuart restoration we will find more than one of England's
political tyrants insisting on a wider measure of religious tolerance
in these colonies. Ultimately, under the Crown insistence, the fran-
chise was widened by placing it on a property-holding basis rather
than on that of church communion. It was a distinct liberalization,
a significant broadening of the civic foundation. If a Stuart king
took from these colonies the right to choose their own governors,
lie also undertook to forbid those excesses of religious zeal wdiich
led to persecutions for conscience' sake.

In short, there is some justification for the generalization that the
political tyrants of the restoration forced a religious freedom on a
colonial community whose dominating minority did not want it,
while the Colonies wrested political freedom from the Crown. The
clash between a theocratic tyranny on this side and ai political
tyranny on the other resulted in the destruction of both, to the vast
betterment of every human interest involved. It was a long, stub-
I)orn, determined struggle between forces, neither of which had
much cajjacity for yielding or compromise. In one way or another,
sometimes consciously and sometimes unconsciously, it was going
on practically throughout the entire period from the beginning of
the colony at Plymouth to the end of the Revolutionary War and
the recog'nition of independence. Looking back upon it, we may
say that it was inevitable, and that the end which came to it was an
inevitable conclusion. But things which look inevitable in the ret-
rospect, conclusions which seem inescapable when the long scroll
•of developing events can be unrolled before the mind's eye, are
never so apparent during the process of their evolution. That mani-
fest destiny whose directing hand we descry when we survey the
long processes of history would doubtless have brought at last the
happy state of both political and religious freedom. But without
that cooperation of forces, that reaction of influences between the
•old England and the new, we may well doubt whether the light of
the new day would have broken through to shine upon the better
fortunes of "a^i emancipated race without a struggle longer, by gen-
erations, perhaps by centuries, than that which history records.

The men and women who came here to found in a wilderness, across
;a tliousand leagues of ocean waste, a new State, came with high and

b THE ACHIEVKMKNT OF THE CEXTI-HIES.

conscious i)iiiposo of acliieviri<r a great human end. Out of their
vohiminous letters, memoirs. j)uhlic records, and historical writintrs
Ave constanth- get the impression of their deep ccmviction that they
had been called as divine instruments to accomplish a work of su-
premest significance. Some have .seen in this nothing more than the
basis for an indictment on the ground of zealotry, bigotry, even
fanaticism. But bigotry, extremism, fanaticism never found their
fruition in noble ends achieved, in freedom established, in numkind
emancipated, in gieat States raised up as guardians of unshackled
thought and unchained souls. We will find no philosophy i)ased on
sucji unworthy assumi)tions which will exjjlain the miracle that was
here performed. AVe will have to look higher, to see more clearly,
to deal more fairly with human nature, to estimate more generously
the purpose of those whom generations of men have honored. No
merely human philosophy is capable of explaining such marvels as
these. But when we lift our eyes we will rec<ignize the supreme guiti-
ance, the divine inspiration, which alone could have wrought these
ends.

Hand of uuiu alone did not build what was founded here: it was
but the visible sign, the human symbol of a purpose, which we mav
not understand but for whose beneficence all men nuist give tribute
of praise and voice undying gratitude. We may speculate and c-on-
jecture, we may seek to frame laws of human relationship by which
to account for such results as here have been wrought. l)ut at last
we will have to recognize that they are not for us to explain.

I^ven Cromwell, in his great leadership, failed to understand. He
spoke contenijjtuously of those whom he accused of running away
from the struggle at home. "Pinched fanatics.'" he proclaimed these
fatheis of freedom in half a world. It would be difficult to find
more convincing i)roof that human judgments are not to be trusted
in these afl'airs wherein a higher than human wisdom directs the
destinies of men and nations. Cromwell lived to know he had erred
in his estimate of men and motives. 1)ut it was not given to him to
know how stupendous Avas his mistake. He did not live to realize
that the .schism he deplored was to be the means of winning liberty
for both countries, and to bring them at last into that glorious union
of free men's energies which in our day has saved a world from re-
action and despotism.

There has never lived a generation of men possessing such wealth
of historic materials, such capacity for candid analysis, such broad
experience to guide them in right determination, as the generation to
which we belong. Likewise there has been none which confronted
more complex and difficult problems. Therefore, I like to commend
study of the history which began here at Plymouth, in it-^ relations
to the sweep of modern affairs. It teaches us that sometimes schism
may lead to true solidarity; that division may mean nudti])lication.

The English-speaking race had hardly established itself in its
true character as the foremost exponent of liberal institutions,
when it began to distribute itself among the Avildernesses of the
earth. Even before liberty had been secured for the mother country,
its soldiers Avere adventuiing into distant parts, carrying their am-
bitions Avith them. (^roniAvell looked upon them as deserters, de-
si)ised them as Aveaklings. Avas disgusted Avith himself for having
once thought to unite Avith them. It Avas not an unnatural or a

THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE ("EXTURH^S. 7

far-fetched jiid<i:niont for one of the Cromwellian habit. But what
Avoiild have been his amazement if lie could have foreseen the destiny
that awaited this feelde colonial enter[)rise, if he could have known
that here Avas being founded the community that would at last in-
spire the forces of C)ld-'\\'orld liberalism if he could have looked
<lov.-n the vista of three centuries and seen political diA^sion followed
by s[)iritual reunion in the greater cause of liberty for all mankind?

The community of free people of our race, whether in Euro])e or
America, in Africa or Australia, under the northern or the southern
skies — Avhether held together by political ties or by the yet more
potent bonds of common traditions, institutions, language, and
blood — this community, spread now to all quarters of the world, was
begun wdien Jamestown and Plymouth were founded. It has car-
ried its ideals wherever it has set its standard. It has won recognition
of these ideals as the basis of social conduct, of community relations,
throughout the world. Its w'ork is not finished; but, pray God, it
has come triumphantly through its determining ordeal. It comes
foith from that test, nerved and heartened for further tasks, confi-
dent, assured, reliant. None questions either its place or its right of
leadership: few doubt its destiny to establish, under that divine guid-
ance which it has ever recognized, the splendid structure of human
brotherhood in peace and understanding.

The ])erspective of history are not safely to be judged save from
the loftiest peaks of human experience. It is the dearly bought privi-
lege of our generation to stand on one of those heights of the long
ages, to look back over the pathways by which we have come thus far,
to see clearly what haA^e been the main traveled roads and what the by-
]iaths. If we Avill but let our minds record that Avhich our eyes tell us,
we Avill note that the widespreading landscape behind us is now
A'astly changed. It is not what it seemed Avhen Ave Avere passing
through it. A little time ago, from a loAver altitude, we looked back
on this same sweep and missed much that is now clear-cut and plain.
That was before the storm. Then the clouds obscured the heights.
Dense fogs of ignorance bedimmed the A^ew. There were poisoned
va]>ors of prejudice and the miasmas of intolerance. Noav, in this
wider, clearer vision Ave see that some of the routes Avhich Ave sup-
l)osed Avere the hiirh )-oads of progress Avere the futile ways of Avasted
oifort. Others, which in the journey's heat and toil Ave counted only
as its marches of anguish, we recognize as the short-cuts that carried
us quickly to loftier leA'els and safer positions.

We stand to-day before the unknoAvn, ])ut we look to the future
with confidence unshaken. There is no retracing, Ave must forever
go on. We Avekome the theories Avrought out in ncAv hope, hut Ave
<ling to the assurance founded on e.\i)erience. All that is — is not
l)ad. all that is to be Avill not be ideal. AVe can not lift the veil to
the future, but we can analyze and understand what has gone be-
fore. It is good to keej) our feet firndy on the earth, though we
;i;aze in higli hope for human l)r()therhood and high attainments.

Just as the Pilgrims had a practical mind for material things
amid eifectiA'e i)ursuit of theii" higher ideals, so must Ave Avith our
inheritance. God neAer intended an achicAement Avithout great
effort — there is' no rcAvard Avithout great labor. Freerlorn is the field
of endeavoT, not tlie fancied abode of idleness.

8 THE A(HIEVK.Vli:XT OF TllK I KM lltlES.

Just as these fathers (heM- t<)«!;ether toward ample conmiiiiiity
authority to make the Nation and still i)reserve the freedom of those
who compose it, so must we <::uar(l a«rainst the supreme centraliza-
tion of power at home, and the superstate for the world. More, we
must comhat the menace in the ^low in«r assumption that the state
must su[)[)oit the pe()i)le. foi- just ijovei-mnent is merely the <ruaranty
to the i)e()ple of the ii<iht and oppoi-tunity of that i)eople to support
themselves. The one outstandino- dan^rer of to-<lay is the tendency to-
turn to Washington for thinirs which are the tasks or the duties of
the forty-eight Commonwealths Avhich constitute the Nation. Hav-
ing wrought the Nation as the rential power of pi'eservation and
defense, let us preserve it so.

A new hoj)e looms to-day. We are slowly but very surely re-
covering from the wastes and sonows and utter disarrangements of
a cataclysmal war. Peace is i)ringintr its new assurances; and peni-
tent realization and insistent conscience will preserve that peace.
Our faith is firmer that war's causes may l)e minimized, and over-
burdening armament may be largely diminished. And these, too,
without surrender of the nationality which has inspired or the good
conscience which has defended. The international pros}XH't is more
than piomising. and the distress and de])ression at home are symp-
tomatic of eaily recovery. Solvent financially, sound economically,
unrivaled in genius, unexcelled in industi'v. resolute in determina-
tion, and unwavering in faith, these United States will carry on!

In the story of 300 years there is every recompense for the
agonies of ye.sterday, there is our staff for the burdens of to-day,
there is our assurance for the trials of to-morrow. The civilization
of to-day, the status of mankind, has been reached by many routes.
We have approximated the common vision, the united purpose, the
one supi'eme aim. We note the divisions of the ])ast, the ))arting
paths, the clashing aml)itions. the misguided efforts, and we see all
of them bringing men together and urging understanding, suggest-
ing larger i)urpose. There is no fit temple for num amid eternal
rivalries, enmities, hatreds, strife, and warfare. But in the concord
of brotherhood and understanding we may ajiproach the state which
(lod must have meant for those created in his own image.

Here was the early dedication to religious liberty and political
freedom. It was a sublime gift to posterity. We can not better
express our reverence to-day than by sweeping aside the errors, the
faihu'es. the disappointments, the betrayals of our day. and plant
here for all America and all the world the standards of highest jus-
tice and real human brotherhood. This would add to the volume of
rejoicing on earth and give echo to the heavens of the nobler aspira-
tion of united mankind. It w<mld. dim no torch of liberty which
was lighted here, but would set the world aglow with new hopes,
new confidence, and new exaltation.

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